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The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933, by Professor William Brustein
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Why did millions of apparently sane, rational Germans support the Nazi Party between 1925 and 1933? In this provocative book, William Brustein argues that the Nazi Party's emergence as the most popular political party in Germany was eminently logical and was largely a result of its success at fashioning economic programs that addressed the material needs of a wide range of German citizens. Brustein has carefully analyzed a huge collection of pre-1933 Nazi Party membership data drawn from the official files at the Berlin Document Center. He argues that Nazi followers were more representative of German society as a whole - that they included more workers, more single women, and more Catholics - than most previous scholars have believed. Further, says Brustein, the patterns of membership reveal that people joined the Nazi Party not because of Hitler's irrational appeal or charisma or anti-Semitism but because the party, through its shrewd and proactive program, offered more benefits to more people than did the other political parties in Weimar Germany. According to Brustein, Nazi supporters were no different from citizens anywhere who select a political party or candidate they believe will promote their economic interests. The roots of evil, he suggests, may be ordinary indeed.
- Sales Rank: #3398213 in Books
- Published on: 1996-08-28
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: .87" h x 6.30" w x 9.52" l, 1.21 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 252 pages
Amazon.com Review
How the Nazi party found roots and then flourished out of an educated, modern society is a question that haunts the 20th century. In The Logic of Evil, William Brustein, a sociology professor at the University of Minnesota, offers an intriguing argument: the citizens of Germany who supported the Nazis were motivated by economic self-interest. He says the Nazis' popularity increased because of their "superlative success at fashioning economic programs that addressed the material needs of millions of Germans." Brustein provides impressive evidence to back his thesis; he and a research team went through the files of 42,000 Nazi party members and found a disproportionate number in occupations who benefited from the Nazis' economic programs. His is an argument that deserves serious merit, particularly given the blatant economic appeals some current leaders make to their constituencies.
From Library Journal
Brustein (sociology, Univ. of Minnesota) uses 42,004 observations of members from the Nazi Party master file for this academic examination of the social origins of the party prior to 1933 and why members joined. Richard Hamilton's Who Voted for Hitler (Princeton Pr., 1982) and Thomas Childer's The Nazi Voter (Univ. of North Carolina, 1983) have examined why Germans voted for the Nazi Party, but Brustein's use of such a massive database brings out new interpretations that will cause some debate. In a reasoned narrative, Brustein notes that most Nazi followers were motivated chiefly by commonplace and rational factors rather than by Hitler's appeal or charisma. In other words, they voted their pocketbooks. Are the Germans of 1933 guilty of letting loose a great evil because they did not see the ramifications of thinking only of their pocketbooks, and should they have anticipated what was to come? Brustein answers no to both questions. His important book should be on the shelves of all academic libraries and all public libraries with a strong Holocaust collection.?Dennis L. Noble, Sequim, Wash.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Booklist
Brustein is a "rational-choice" sociologist: his "model of political behavior [assumes] political affiliation is based on self-interest." Here he analyzes who joined the Nazi Party between 1925 and 1933 and why specific planks in the party's program might have appealed to particular segments of Germany's middle and working classes. Brustein challenges four common explanations of Nazi Party growth (irrationalist appeals, lower-middle-class reaction, political confessionalism, and catchall party of protest), based on the large sample (40,000) extracted in 1989 from the party master file in Berlin. Brustein reviews the positions of the Weimar period's competing political parties, then demonstrates that many of the groups whose interests best matched key Nazi positions were overrepresented among early party members. Brustein's utilitarian model may strike some readers as mechanical, and he takes Nazi Party programs more seriously than some other scholars, but the work offers enough new information to be appropriate for larger European history collections. Mary Carroll
Most helpful customer reviews
14 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
How Average Germans Voted for a Madman
By A Customer
William Brustein's work raises fascinating concepts which deserve serious consideration. One of these, often ignored or overlooked by many historians, is the possibility that average Germans did not see the Nazis as the 'radical right.' Instead, Burstein's contention is that the Nazi leadership was astute enough to position themselves between two dramatically opposite viewpoints: the Moscow-subservient Left(such as the KPD and SPD) and the slash-and-burn 'free market' efforts of the Bruning administration to cut government spending under the weight of a world-wide depression. Claiming the ground of 'good patriotic Germans,' while still demanding the salvation of the massive social welfare system, the Nazis endeared themselves to millions. The average German saw the men in brown as the saviors of the welfare system they had come to know and love, and turned out in droves to vote them into office. In essence, Burstein contends that the Nazis ran as moderates between two extremes. The weakest part of his book is the last chapter where he attempts to draw modern parallels which simply do not fit his own analysis. But the major contribution of the work is in line with current scholarship that tends to debunk the notion that a type of societal 'madness' griped the Germans, leading to a madman's election to high office. It is becoming more certain that average Germans did what most people do in any society: vote for the middle between two extremes. Burstein's work is worth serious consideration to students of National Socialist politics.
4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Well described analysis of the German people's election of Nazis
By Diverse
Hitler was the leader of the Nazi political party. And over a 12 year span, the Nazi party's influence grew stronger each year. The Nazi's didn't violently seize control, as did the Bolsheviks. The Nazi's were elected by the Germans. This book explains the causes for making the Nazi party appealing to a majority of Germans. The author breaks down the German citizenry into different classes; economic classes (rich, middle, poor), labor classes (non-working rich, white collar, blue collar, self-employed, farmers), male and female. Breaking out the people into different groups helps give a clear picture of why the Nazi's were popular.
The writing is very good. I'm not an academic, but i was never lost, or frustrated with the traditional academic pompous wring style of using arcane words when a more common word describes the situation just as clearly. Most of all, I could see how our American democracy could be a place for a fringe group to grow popular, given the right combination of economic and political setbacks.
The author is able to communicate a lot of ideas in under 150 pages, and an intelligent use of Appendices. My goal was to understand how Nazi's could be elected, and this book explains it clearly.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A responsible and interesting sociological study
By Thomas J. Hickey
The Logic of Evil by William Brustein
A responsible and interesting sociological study
Brustein is professor and chair of the Department of Sociology at the University of Minnesota. His thesis in The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933, is that the Nazi party was attractive to voters in Wiemar Germany, because Hitler proposed economic programs that addressed the needs of a broad spectrum of German citizens. He rejects views that the Germans were seduced either by Hitler's irrationality or by his charisma.
Brustein examined a large collection of pre-1933 Nazi Party membership data drawn from membership files archived in the Berlin Document Center. He cross-references the data by many categories, and he performs some multiple-regression analyses, which are informative. His empirical approach is refreshing in comparison to how sociologists normally work by conjuring fanciful theories that sound "convincing" but are empirically unfounded.
Brustein discloses in his book that he is Jewish, and he reports that he was motivated to make this investigation, because he was perplexed as to why nearly fourteen million ordinary Germans, 37.3% of the electorate, could have been persuaded to vote for the anything as egregiously evil as the Nazis. He allows that the German voters did not foresee the world war or the death camps prior to 1933.
This book is the kind of responsible and interesting sociological work that few sociologists practice and that most other sociologists should imitate. To see why I approve of his methodology, see Twentieth-Century Philosophy of Science: A History.
Thomas J. Hickey, Econometrician
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